Thursday, 10 January 2013

Gothvos Godhvos Jonathan Polkest




Gwennap Pit, Nr Carn Marth Redruth
An Opportunistic subterranean collapse creating an amphitheatre in which John Wesley would presumably have spoken from the lowest tier.

In Cornish Archaeology no 33 1994 HENDHYSCANS KERNOW. There is a fascinating and well researched paper by Ann Preston - Jones :Decoding Cornish Churchyards in which she looks in detail at churchyards in Cornwall, to see exactly how many are curvilinear, and to see wether it is possible to substantiate the claim for a very early 5 - 7th century origin which most church sites boast.
Churchyard plans are examined and discussed. This is very interesting from the point of view that Cornish languages survival owing in part to a playtext coming to light in Wales where it was presumed to be written in Welsh. Many of the Cornish plays that survive are miracle ordinalia, telling of Biblical/ Old Testament stories usually enacted in these circular churchyards (where the players could respectfully appear to be dissociating with their pagan origins whilst remaining in blissful physical contact with the sacred ground) I'm taking my cue from the contemporary phenomena of Tourism, how tourists are an initially distrusted but an economically vital element in which gradually displace the original inhabitants by becoming more business like and welcoming as a vital economic reality. On one level this could be seen as a cyclic action which assumes the unique character of each generational wave of those who are visiting and those who are hosting, changing places or moving on but gradually creating larger and smaller societal impact which gradually transform the perceived demographic, there is a romance inferred about the old ways, the old boys, the dialect and attitudes but these become shared memories, an imagined past, sepia tone nostagia.
St.Just Plen an Gwarry

As far as I know there is no evidence of a church adjacent to this Plan - an - Gwarry, or Playing Place.
Critically there exists no specific model of performance occuring everywhere under all circumstances. Nor is it easy to specify limitations on what is treated potentially as performance.
If "universals are desirable they may be identifiable in didactic processual models arguing about the validity of one or a group of genres against the validity of another single or group of genres. Origins and digression is unavoidably met head: on The St.Just Plan an Gwarry is a theatre outside of theatre, it is a place evolved from Gothvos, performances take place there in different cultural settings though not all are named performance, events and activities take place there by unidentified and known scholars. We may be inside the boundary of the anthropologists field. Victor Turner; Are There Universals of Performance in Myth, Ritual and Drama Essay 1985



The Moment and the Continuum.

Kernow or Cornwall, the source of this venture is dominated by a geological spine of huge granite bosses (plutons).

 The five main ones are Bodmin Moor, Hensbarrow, Carnmenellis, West Penwith, and the Isles of Scilly. Lesser granite intrusions occur at Tregonning Hill, Carn Brea and Carn Marth in the west, and Kit Hill and Hingston Down in the east. Further west beyond the Scillies there is a submerged pluton beneath the sea area Fitzroy.

North Iron - South Lead - East Tin - West Copper.
 Associated with the granite bosses are extensive areas of metamorphic aureole – surrounding rocks which have been altered by the heat of the intruding granite. Mineralization occurred during the cooling of the granite and metamorphic aureole, resulting in  the intrusion of tin and copper in lodes (seams) running east–west, and lead, zinc and iron in lodes running north–south. At a later stage some granites were altered, the most widespread instance being the formation of Kaolinite (china clay) which is found most extensively on the Hensbarrow granite. 

Lizard. 
Away from the granite areas the surface geology of Cornwall comprises three main elements. The oldest rocks in Cornwall, likely to be Pre-Cambrian in origin, are found on the Lizard peninsula. Most of these rocks have undergone subsequent 
metamorphosis and the Lizard Complex is a nationally important mass of intrusions, most notably serpentine, gneiss, schists and some granite. 
In the far northeast of Cornwall are Carboniferous rocks forming the western edge of the Culm Measures which characterise extensive areas of west Devon. These deposits contain black shales, sandstones and thin limestones.
Mylor Slates. 
The underlying geology of most of Cornwall, however, consists of Devonian rocks. There are slight variations between the Lower, Middle and Upper Devonian beds, but generally these Killas, as they are known, are characterised by clays, shale, slates, 
siltstones and sandstones. 

During Pleistocene times Kernow was in a periglacial zone subject to freeze/thaw processes. In the post-glacial period Cornwall has been subjected to sea level rise, resulting in a coast of submergence. Extreme low tides expose submerged 
forests at several localities (e.g. Mount’s Bay) and submerged prehistoric fields (e.g. on the sand flats in the Isles of Scilly).  Rias, or drowned rivers, are another feature of the submerged coastline (e.g. the rivers Fal, Fowey and Helford). 


Discarded Spoil Cairns: Signifying the entropy or Amplifying it.
Often assumed to have but one function: superfluos material awaiting dispersal or stripped of purpose. Homogeneous stuff with which to fill a void / ballast. Our ground is dense in mineral and message, one persons logic is another persons confusion. The Fly Tippers Hiekku:' Tip that rubble there'. Not necessarily untouched by hand or disconnected from its author the heaped performative, from scattered boulders to placed stones, those placed by "nature", offering shelter and enlightenment to a spectrum of species. No sooner the pillar of stone is constructed it becomes a system of orientation, growing up and declining into a spiral of equilibrium.

Pure Purposefulness at Boscawen ûn Stone Circle
Although the taking of this photograph lacks a little of the theatre of ritual observed sans adjustable analogue film equipment, the site's spatial qualities conspire to create a neutrality that defies the idea of a sacred site with a geographic, geometric historic and semiotic perspective, just what is originally intended and what has evolved here is not obvious to the limnal surveyor. The nineteen stone uprights encircle the leaning shardlike stone in the mid ground directing its angled charge in a North Easterly ascent. Theres an interesting elliptical emphasis on the circles position to the leaning central long stone, the perspective is remodeled for the diameter of the ellipses as if they were arranged around a natural compositional shadow from a strong light source in the South West. The photograph is taken from the one stone in the circle which appears to be entirely quartz. From the perspective of gradual and increasing propinquity,the site itself, bordered by pockets of intensive agriculture and vicious old furze hedges rests in an arena of bouncing turf and erratic rabbits. Circumnavigating the spectacle to a satisfactory degree is not possible but the best visual effects are seen from the auditoria of the walking eye when standing to the north west of the enclosure which is partially masked by blackthorn and old furse bushes, the trick of solitude requires patience and timing. The site attracts a lot of votive amulets and tokens, a cause of certain concerns about my own praxis which attracts nothing but criticism. The chronological line from Greek Theatre to Roman Arena onwards to playhouse provides no accomodation for such a structure. 

Roger Davisons Tremadhevas.

Monday, 7 January 2013

GOTHVOS Jonathan Polkest


Orientation of the true West

From the East to the West.
below: From the West to the East.
It is from the Tudor period that Peter Berresford Ellis finds satisfactory evidence as to the state of the Cornish Language. The Cornish Language And Its Literature; routledge ISBN 0-7100-9070-6
In the broad field of Human Communication, Gothvos concerns itself with a wider phenomenological, Socialogical and Anthropological area of exploration and experimentation. Each unique assertive positing attempts to identify and express challenges to tradition and unorthodox modes of critical response.  Focussing attention upon the potent object and the receptive landscape and the nature of art itself and its relationship to our whole way of life.  I am referring to those activities which our society generally avoids, which are excluded from us in the mainstream of cultural and literature connections, the primal materials and objectives in our societies were until recently the premiss of crafts people, those who employed certain physicalities to their persuits I am also referring to the broader issues of expression via language, environment via semiotic analysis, signification and empirical impact. These actions are dedicated, for the most part but not entirely ; to the production of meaning, through a "glassless lens",  however, here I'm thinking about the problems with criticism as ethnocentric evidence, in our deliberations to a specific landscape and in culture we strive for universal meaning and tolerance of course. Through a special lens but also questioning the desire for homogeny and perfection. Why different languages express the same things differently. In this respect I am asking if there are certain questions, certain answers and certain names which are specifically expressed through a particular language?
If this specific language ceases to operate or exist does that specific meaning also cease to exist. Is that specific meaning transformed into something new ?
Can that "new specific something" be accurately translated and understood ?



A Long seam of Quartz running due south from the Skilly.


The Gothvos Stone is a very specific object made from a very specific material from a very specific location. The object carries a word written in a very specific way. The word Gothvos broadly translates into english as Knowledge or wisdom, the idea is an obvious device which encourages a question and tempts a response. The answer when discovered refers to the word on the stone, the material that the stone is comprised of and the concept of literature being influenced by the landscape wherein it is couched.

Stone Axe Heads.The act of taking a stone from an area is vested with geological, metalurgical and physiological considerations. The mineral content of the stone seems very important although we do not know absolutely why this has formerly been the case. Historically the stone material was relatively easy to achieve a high gloss using basic polishing techniques and this transformation could be an intrinsic element in the initial "value" of the polished stone axe heads around which there existed a cult.
 Now as I walk along the beach to Newlyn the shingle banks near or above the foreshore are for the most part white and more rounded at Marazion, they seem to flatten increasingly as we walk west through Penzance Dock where large Greenstone deposits are exposed and wettened by the tide, they look like vast blobs of black jelly but they dry quickly in the wind and sun, they then become green, blueish grey sometimes more Umber, Raw Umber or slightly lilac.
 At Larrigan and Wherrytown they are really for the most part more frequently egg shaped stones or bullies as they were known and flat like an axe head, near the beach in Newlyn theres a place called Greenrocks and there is Penlee.
The geographical feature of this part of the promonatory is actually a non feature. It is a great hole in the side of an otherwise arcing skyline whose trajectory rises gradually from the sea shore to form a line not unlike that of the outline of a seabirds brow. The Quarry at Penlee has been mineralogically exploited for a long time, the galleries and cliffs have been landscaped towards gaining planning permission to build a marina style housing complex.
Penlee, means the head land of flat stones (Leh), and it is possibly a coincidence that all the best dark axe shaped stones are found closer to Penleh, these are pebbles and stones worn down by wave and current action which influence my opinion about the whereabouts of the submerged Gear Rock, the mythical Lyoness within Lyoness, or Atlantis within Atlantis. Part of my mission is to find the Gear Rock as the story proports it to be the essential source of Greenstone for ceremonial axe making. Initially I chose to use the whiter stones from Marazion because I needed the placing to be clearly seen through the pitch black screen of a prepared pinhole camera, once the exposed film is processed the successful image is sharp and saturate but during composition very little light gets into the viewer and the image is upside down. That was when a concern about my side of this ritual act was important to me. I thought that it was very important that once the correct position had been found for the stone, that the camera exposure should be as long as required ( up to half a minute)  that the camera should be "earthed" to the location, preferably not in tripod. The alchemy was getting the lens at the right distance because the pinhole made everything close and far in focus......up to a point. That is why I occasionally refer to the composing as the Tabular Rasa, because I want to differentiate between Composition as a fundamental geometric equation and composition as a relational format.

The importance of scale as an orientational factor in my documentation is challenged but not always an obvious success, pinhole technology and techniques are characterized by the presence of a "zone of confusion", a sort of visual vortex that can bend and fragment light as it intersects through an aperture in the exact focal plane, or to be more correct it creates several little bouncy focal points. On film emulsions as opposed to digital cameras, the results can be quite aesthetically sensational but they fail to convey the importance of the composition as a philosophical foundation. The composition is fraught with possibilities, difficulties and delights.  Any action begins with a question and the composition represents the question. Where do I place the object? Yes, it is being placed in the landscape, itself a part of and referencing a landscape. Parts of this landscape remain obscured owing to my position in it. By moving the stone around the composition I reveal a distant hill, a blade of grass, by drawing nearer to the object with the camera I can increase the proportions and the scale, I can obscure certain features and make them invisible - even so, they remain and they can reflect a presence that can be subtle. Composition in techniques such as this are very influenced by the saturation of colours through some of the slower exposures. Of course there are reduced opportunities to control a wider range of variables, most cameras use a combination of shutter speeds and aperture openings. A fixed aperture technique is mostly approximation, trial and error.


Articulation of the Urge.

It does not take the curious mind long to find that the survival and reinstatement of the brythonic Cornish language known as Kerneweck depended almost entirely on Theatre and Theatrical literature. This image of the Minack Theatre is interesting in its juxtaposition of mythic, historic and geographic, the dense historical data referencing unique cultural features are not so much sidestepped as embellished towards that of a mediterranean idyll that is itself conjured. The granite carn becomes a faux greco carved amphitheatre in stark contrast with the totally horizontal typeset Cornish Miracle Plan-An-Gwarry or playing place. The spectators in the Minack will bravely cling to a vertical vision of Epidauros, sometimes in the rain. Often the natural landscape is extraordinarily dramatic and beautiful but in a Plan-An-Gwarry three days of active performing ensue from openings, pits and stationed constructions among the spectators, without the orthodoxy of site lines, raised platforms or constructed forshortened retorts. The repertory is a variety of text based plays, musical theatre and opera. One evening we took our place on the stacked rocky outlet opposite the theatre, across the water in the above photograph.  As the sun went down and the theatre lights became more prominent the sound carried well in the darkness, the event was a curious spectacle from that side of the giant natural auditoria, clapping, chatting, waves splash as boat goes chug chugging by and seagull activity looming through the darkness. I have seen a couple of shows in the auditorium, something phenomenal usually occours, a passing boat, a curious seal but to my mind those things happen along the coast anyway, its an odd prospect, going to a theatrical production because of the Theatre, the plays not the thing. One of the plays I saw was a musical adaptation of the Marriage of Figaro [sic], I got quite cold but there's that resolve connected to ticket value, will there be a good bit ?  Are we there yet ? Closer analogy may define this as tourist art, the experience.  Gothvos certainly plays on the idea of the tourist who purchases an object "A Gift From Cornwall", or a painted landscape with wild thorn trees or blue glittering seas with the exception that Gothvos is the landscape that is put into the landscape and interacts with all elements of that landscape even, and especially, to the detriment of its continuing existence, like a slow meteorite falling the moment is the thing - just like the play in the theatre, the theatre can be anywhere. That is why there is still such a high degree of ritual in a Gothvos photograph. In my role as curator I no longer take all the photographs Nor position all the stones, it was always my hope that "finders" would keep, move or reposition the Gothvos stone as they saw fit. Many stay put until the sunlight erases their message, the story proceeds namelessly.


From Porthcurno to India two million words a day.

Trāṭaka (Sanskrit n. त्राटक trāṭaka; trataktrataka: to look, or to gaze) is the practice of staring at some external object. This fixed gazing is a method of meditation concentrating on a single point such as a small object, black dot or candle flame. It is used in yoga as a way of developing concentration, strengthening the eyes, and stimulating the ājňā chakra.
The practitioner fixes his attention on a symbol or yantra, a black dot, or the image of some deity, and stares at it, paying attention to each thought and feeling as it arises, and letting them go, so that the mind is completely absorbed in the symbol. The practice continues until the eyes begin to tire, at which point they are closed, and relaxed.
The second stage is staring at a candle flame. The practice is the same up until the eyes begin to tire, after which the eyes are closed, and the yogi tries to concentrate on the after image, and hold it for as long as possible. At first, it will be a real after-image, but later, it will exist only in the mind's eye, and the exercise in concentration comes from trying to maintain it there for a long period of time.








*


Porthcurno was, until recently known for its international submarine communications cable station. In the late nineteenth century, the remote beach at Porthcurno became internationally famous as the British termination of early submarine telegraph cables, the first of which was landed in 1870, part of an early international link stretching all the way from the UK to India, which was then a British colony. Porthcurno was chosen in preference to Falmouth because of the reduced risk of damage to the cables caused by ships’ anchors.
 In 1872, the Eastern Telegraph Company (ETC) Limited was formed which took over the operation of the cables and built a cable office in Porthcurno valley. The concrete cable hut, where the cable shore ends were connected to their respective landlines, is a listed building and still stands at the top of the beach. ETC and its cable operations expanded through the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, in 1928 to merge with Marconi's Wireless Telegraph Company Limited to form Imperial and International Communications Limited which was renamed Cable and Wireless Limited.
In the Inter-War years, the Porthcurno cable office operated as many as 14 cables simultaneously, for a time becoming the largest submarine cable station in the world, with the capacity to receive and transmit up to two million words a day. Porthcurno is still known colloquially by the acronym 'PK' being represented in Morse code as 'di-dah-dah-dit' followed by 'dah-di-dah'. In the early days of expensive telegraphy, this could be sent unambiguously with just two letters instead of ten. 
The cable office at Porthcurno was a critical communications centre and considered at serious risk of attack during the Second World War being only about 100 miles (160 km) from the port of Brest in occupied France.
 To improve security a network of two parallel tunnels, connected by two smaller cross-tunnels, was bored into the granite valley east side by local mining engineers, starting in June 1940, to accommodate the essential telegraph equipment.  Each of the two main entrances was protected by offset and double bomb-proof, gas-proof doors. To provide evacuation for staff in case the defences failed, a covert emergency escape route was provided by granite steps cut into a steeply rising fifth tunnel leading from the rear cross tunnel to a concealed exit in the fields above.  Each of the main tunnel interiors was that of a windowless open-plan office constructed as a building shell within the granite void, complete with a pitched roof to collect water seepage from the rocks, a false ceiling, plastered and decorated walls and all the necessary services. In total about 15,000 tons of rock were removed to construct the tunnels. The construction work progressed relentlessly day and night, taking nearly a year and the completed tunnels were opened in May 1941 by Lady Wilshaw who was the wife of Sir Edward Wilshaw, Chairman of Cable and Wireless at the time.  The concrete defences around the tunnel entrances and the nearby buildings were camouflaged with the help of a local artist, the design, when viewed from the air with some imagination, resembling a belt of trees, complete with rabbits and birds. The Tunnel environment being secure, dry, and at a virtually constant temperature proved to be ideal for the sensitive telegraph equipment and it continued to house the subsequently upgraded equipment after the War until the cable office closure in 1970. It was then used for training facilities for the Engineering College until the college itself also closed in 1993. Today the tunnel is both an exhibit itself and houses exhibits of the Porthcurno Telegraph Museum, operated by PK Trust, a charity formed by Cable and Wireless Limited.

Language acquisition

There are two theories as to how children acquire language, and continuing debate as to which theory is correct. The first theory states that all language must be learned by the child. The second theory that the abstract system of language cannot be learned, but that humans possess an innate language faculty, or an access to what has been called universal grammar.
 The idea that language must be learned was  prevalent before 1960 as represented by the mentalistic theories of Jean Piaget and the empiricist Rudolf Carnap. Likewise, the school of psychology known as behaviorism (see Verbal Behavior (1957) by B.F. Skinner) posits the  view that language is a behavior shaped by conditioned response, hence it is learned.
The innatist perspective began with Noam Chomsky's highly critical review of Skinner's book in 1959. This review helped to start "the cognitive revolution" in psychology. Chomsky posited humans possessing a special, innate ability for language and that complex syntactic features, such as recursion, are "hard-wired" in the brain.
These abilities are considered beyond the grasp of the most intelligent and social non-humans. According to Chomsky, children acquiring a language have a vast search space to explore among all possible human grammars, yet at the time there was no evidence that children receive sufficient input to learn all the rules of their language (see poverty of the stimulus). Hence, there must be some other innate mechanism that endows a language ability to humans.

Such a language faculty is, according to the innateness hypothesis, what defines human language and makes it different from even the most sophisticated forms of animal communication.
The field of linguistics and psycholinguistics since then has been defined by reactions to Chomsky, pro and con. The pro view still holds that the human ability to use language (specifically the ability to use recursion) is qualitatively different from any sort of animal ability.  This ability may have resulted from a favorable mutation or from an adaptation of skills evolved for other purposes. The view that language can be learned has had a recent resurgence inspired by emergentism. This view challenges the "innate" view as scientifically unfalsifiable; that is to say, it can't be tested. With the amount of computer power and memory increasing, researchers have been able to simulate language acquisition using neural network models.  These models provide evidence that there may, in fact, be sufficient information contained in the input to learn language, even syntax. If this is true, then an innate mechanism is no longer necessary to explain language acquisition.



 Neandertal societies ritual burial of the dead implies a belief system.  Although a primary religious concept, the ritual burial of cave bear trophy heads would also imply a belief system.  The transmission of such beliefs from generation to generation possibly deployed a spoken language.  Tool making skills and technical knowledge infer the existence and maintenance of communicable concepts . 
 Neandertal brains possessed speech centers that were as large as our own (Broca's and Wernicke's areas), were they were capable of language?
 The modern human variant of the FOXP2 gene was recently discovered in the bones of  Neandertals from Northern Spain.  The gene is associated with abilities to comprehend grammar and to control the mouth movements necessary to produce words.  The implication is that Neandertals could comprehend and produce something like modern speech.  The shape and position of the horseshoe-shaped hyoid bone in the neck of Neandertals was essentially the same as in modern humans.  This has important implications for speech because the hyoid bone supports muscles in the jaw, tongue, and larynx.  The high level location enables an extraordinarily spectrum of vocal sounds.  Neandertal mouths and nasal cavities were different from ours, there is the question as to whether they would have been able to produce all of the vowels and consonants that we use today.  With these findings, the  consensus among paleoanthropologists is that the Neandertals could have had something resembling a spoken language, albeit quite alien to our ears.
Research has proposed that surface features of Homo heidelbergensis brains also point to the ability to use and produce speech.  However, this is not as well supported by evidence as it is for Neandertals.




Diodorus Siculus's account

1.bc Diodorus Siculus described tin mining in Britain. "They that inhabit the British promontory of Belerion by reason of their converse with strangers are more civilised and courteous to strangers than the rest are. These are the people that prepare the tin, which with a great deal of care and labour, they dig out of the ground, and that being done the metal is mixed with some veins of earth out of which they melt the metal and refine it. Then they cast it into regular blocks and carry it to a certain island near at hand called Ictis for at low tide, all being dry between there and the island, tin in large quantities is brought over in carts." Pliny, whose text has survived in eroded condition, quotes Timaeus of Taormina the historian  in referring to "insulam Mictim", "the island of Mictim" [sic], where the m of insulam has been repeated. Several locations for "Ictin" or "Ictis", signifying "tin port" have been suggested, including St. Michael's Mount. A shipwreck site with ingots of tin was found at the mouth of the River Erme near Mount Batten Plymouth, which may represent trade along this coast during the Bronze Age, although dating the site is very difficult. Strabo reported that British tin was shipped from Marseille.


Wednesday, 2 January 2013

GOTHVOS PIEZOELECTRIC PRESENCE




Three exposures made with a prepared Nikon 35mm Film Camera and Vivitar Lens. In the Isles of Scilly on the Pump Road near Parting Carn Moor.
This Blog is quite messy in its current incarnation the key focus, via Negativa or  locating a Tabula Rasa in which to place the Potent Object the Gothvos Narrative if you will: these themes and images lay scattered around in various guises, the online saga is the usual torture of making hasty choices in hardware and then being hacked about by larger accommodating websites who are suddenly no longer accessible - my own fault in being attracted to the myth of the free lunch. So please scratch the surface, there is more and don't be put off when you read repetitive information, my role is changing as this becomes a Community project I find myself a more curatational role replete with the considerations of enmeshing different perspectives. The Gothvos is about a particular type of stone arising from a particular place from which Cornish Stone Axes were made, over 450 have been retrieved from all over the joint so far. They crop up in books and museums and they represent something extremely fundamental to me about Place geographically, about Language culturally and about the individual in society. I lean heavily on the broadest terms, Landscape and Consciousness.
I have spliced a theatricality into my own way of doing things. Combining this experience  (praxis) with geological and geographical datum, societal, anthropological factors and experimenting with cameras and film emulsions I'm proposing that the potent object is positioned via negativa  through the threshold of a tabula rasa. The potent object releases potential through the hand of the appointed activist, for them ( the catilyst or author) the ultimate action is now to position and document this contempletive act - the piece must fit or be found a more perfect location, only then can the object rest and maximise an emerging compositional matrix. There may be gaged tangible elements present: residual body warmth or smooth density in the stone, external weather conditions - particularly light and available trajectory plinths there will certainly be exposure to piezoelectric influences. It is interesting and rewarding to note that already some reactions have found their way back to me, people are curious about the little stones provenance and cultural inscribed word, the action must be recorded and the object given up or abandoned before the object regains potential in a revitilized composition. 




The old sunken forest of Carreck Loes or Mounts Bay, my school teacher Mr Steve Ottery, encouraged an enquiring mindset he sent us forth on inquiring about Carbon 14 testing of the pollen layers and petrified oak stumps of this sunken landscape over on the mainland (we were on Scilly) . Carbon fourteen was explained and duly acknowledged, the existence of a Green Stone now submerged, called The Gear Rock, where Axe Makers came to get Greenstone. This is one of the closest locations for the Gothvos placings, this stone, I'm fairly sure became submerged but it may have attracted someone to move it to a new Tabula Rasa.
The rock exposures around St Michael's Mount provide an opportunity to see many features of the geology of Cornwall in a single locality. The mount is made of the uppermost part of a granite intrusion into metamorphosed Devonian mudstones or pelites. The granite is itself mineralised with a well-developed sheeted greisen vein system. Due to its geology the southern coast of the island was designated a Site of Special Scientific Interest in 1995.
Gothvos of the Elevated Section of the A30 Penzance By-Pass.
(St.Michaels Mount is to the left of the moving tractor)







At the end of 1875 Edison and his assistants were experimenting with the Acoustic Telegraph when they noticed that a rapidly vibrating spark gap produced a spark in an adjacent relay. Subsequent investigation showed that the phenomenon could be made to occur at a distance of several feet without interconnecting cables. Edison, with this small amount of evidence, announced that it was "a true unknown force" since he believed that the spark transmitted electricity without carrying any charge.  Edison concluded that this discovery had the potential to cheapen telegraphic communication and to allow transatlantic cables to be laid without insulation. He was also interested in finding new forces as a means for providing scientific explanations for spiritualist, occult and other allegedly supernatural phenomena following his disenchantment with Helena Blavatsky's Theosophy.
Edison's apparatus consisted of a spark gap vibrating at a high frequency powered by batteries and connected to tin foil sheet about 12 by 8 inches, effectively acting as an antenna. A similar tin foil sheet, connected to ground was located at about eight feet away with two more similar, un-grounded tin foil sheets between. Sparks could be seen at the "receiver" sheets. The last laboratory notebook entry on etheric force in 1875 can be seen at The Edison Papers.

Carreck Loes St.Michaels Mount.





One of the former roles of monasteries and priories, like St.Michaels Mount in the Middle Ages was to offer aid, food, lodging and conditional spiritual guidance to pilgrims. Hundreds of thousands of them walked across the causeway from throughout Europe to the fringes of the "known" and frequented or undocumented societies. Apart from adventure, many could have sought redemption of a kind unfamiliar to the more consumer orientated society and an easier route to paradise as witnessed by the relics of saints in sacred places. During the 12th-14th centuries, pilgrimage became increasingly popular, particularly along routes linking sites devoted to St Michael and those that led to St Iago de Compostela in Spain. Many pilgrims travelled to Canterbury Cathedral in England (see Geoffrey Chaucer's The Canterbury Tales) where archbishop Thomas Beckett was the saintly attraction, his murder in 1170 having been incited by his former friend, King Henry ll, Duke of Normandy. But the connection between St.Mont Michelle and St.Micheals Mount became difficult during the 100 Years' War and both islands were fortified. There are other islands similar to St. Michaels Mount more easily identified as Breton, Mont San Michelle has been disputed territory between Brittany and Normandy owing in part to the Norman invasion of Britain and the gifting of Earldoms for favours, the reason seems to be upheld that it is the tidal flow that bestowed the property to Normandy. A small Islet close to Mont San Michelle is the reputed burial site for King Hoël of Wales.

OGHAM


According to Professor Greene, written or inscribed Ogham, was an archaic speech of the Druidic fraternity, which he considers unintelligible to non druidic readers, he suggests that it was written in an archaic language, rather similar to modern english use of latin. 

"When we find Irish written in Roman letters, from the seventh century onwards, a linguistic revolution had taken place, with words greatly reduced from their Ogham forms. This is a paralell to the changes which took place in France and the other Roman languagesas compared to latin, and it is possible that the historic process was the same. Of the six Ogham inscriptions in Cornwall, all carry an inscription in latin repeating the name of the commemorated person. There are also numerous Latin inscriptions, some bear the Chi Rho, one of the earliest Christian symbols derived from the first two letters of thge Greek word for Christ. A Cornwall where undocumented Kings ruled of whom we can only derive the scantiest information. 



Porth Kidney Gothvos (T'wards Trencrom)

Ogham 





The earliest inscriptions in ogham date to about the 4th century AD, James Carney believes its invention is within the 1st century BC. Although the use of "classical" ogham in stone inscriptions seems to have flowered in the 5th–6th centuries around the Irish Sea, from the phonological evidence it is clear that the alphabet predates the 5th century. A period of writing on wood or other perishable material prior to the preserved monumental inscriptions needs to be assumed, sufficient for the loss of the phonemes represented by úath ("H") and straif ("Z"), as well as the velar nasal, gétal, all of which are clearly part of the system, but unattested in inscriptions.
It appears that the ogham alphabet was modelled on another script, and some even consider it a mere cipher of its template script (Düwel 1968: points out similarity with ciphers of Germanic runes). The largest number of scholars favours the Latin alphabet as this template, although the Elder Futhark and even the Greek alphabet have their supporters. Runic origin would elegantly explain the presence of "H" and "Z" letters unused in Irish, as well as the presence of vocalic and consonantal variants "U" vs. "W" unknown to Latin or Greek writing. The Latin alphabet is the primary contender mainly because its influence at the required period (4th century) is most easily established, viz., via Britannia, while the runes in the 4th century were not very widespread even in continental Europe.
In Ireland and in Wales, the language of the monumental stone inscriptions is termed Primitive Irish. The transition to Old Irish, the language of the earliest sources in the Latin alphabet, takes place in about the 6th century. Since ogham inscriptions consist almost exclusively of personal names and marks possibly indicating land ownership, linguistic information that may be glimpsed from the Primitive Irish period is mostly restricted to phonological developments.

Mên Scryfa, inscribed stone, Morvah. Cornwall
Craig Weatherhills excellent book Cornovia describes The Mên Scryfa: The stone stands in a field on the north side of the track, 300m beyond the Mên-an-tol (site 29 in his book) The northern face of this stone, which stands 1.8 tall, is clearly inscribed to the memory of RIALOBRAN - CVNOVAL-FIL-(Rialobran, son of Cunoval). These names in modern Cornish Ryalvran and Kenwal, mean respectively 'Royal Raven' and 'Famous Chieftain', so the stone almost certainly commemorates local royalty of the sixth century AD, the date ascribed to the style of lettering used.
Writing emerged in a variety of different cultures in the Bronze age. Examples include the cuneiform writing of the Sumerians, Egyptian hieroglyphs, Cretan hieroglyphs, Chinese logographs, and the Olmec script of Mesoamerica. The Chinese script likely developed independently of the Middle Eastern scripts, around 1600 BC. The pre-Columbian Mesoamerican writing systems (including among others Olmec and Maya scripts) are also generally believed to have had independent origins. It is thought that the first true alphabetic writing was developed around 2000 BC for Semitic workers in the Sinai by giving mostly Egyptian hieratic glyphs Semitic values(see History of the alphabet Proto-Sinaitic alphabet). The Ge'ez writing system of Ethiopia is considered Semitic. It is likely to be of semi-independent origin, having roots in the Meroitic Sudanese ideogram system. Most other alphabets in the world today either descended from this one innovation, many via the Phoenician alphabet, or were directly inspired by its design. In the case of Italy, about 500 years passed from the early Old Italic alphabet to Plautus (750 to 250 BC), and in the case of the Germanic peoples, the corresponding time span is again similar, from the first Elder Futhark inscriptions to early texts like the Abrogans (ca. 200 to 750 CE
There are currently estimated to be approximately 6000 languages existing within the various contemporary societies.

Gothvos Godhvos


Needles of Time Author Tom
TEMPEL
Temple Church is a place I've visited fairly often, the associations with the Knights Templars and the Hospitaliers as well as Temple Churches former reputation as a "Gretna Green" type of facility offering ex officio marriage ceremonies and burial rites to victims of suicide or the unbaptized dead helps to support a notion that the location is a place for solace and contemplation, this is reinforced by Temple Villages moorland otherness, the hamlet is more or less a farm. I've put a link to the Needles of Time authors book published in the late seventies I've done this because in broad terms I agree with some of the geomancy ideas of which I'm sure there will be further questions from me. In the present context I'm interested in Temple as a wayside facility on a former track used most notably to move Tin from Damnonian mines on Dartmoor to the safety and eventual dispatch by sea from Damnonian sea ports on each coast of Modern Kernow.

KOWSIC GOTHVOS

Above Two Bridges near the Warren Inn situated around 2.5 km (1.6 mi) north east of Princetown on the old turnpike road which was built across Dartmoor in the late 18th century (now known as the B3212).
A map dated 1765 suggests the origin of the name, for in those days the road crossed both the West Dart and the River Cowsic, just upstream from the point where they meet, and required two separate bridges possibly a remnant of national border fluctuations as saxon Devon pushed further west into Kernow.
By 1891, these had disappeared and there was just a single bridge, further downstream, over the West Dart. Today, however, there are again two bridges on the site, because a more modern structure has been added alongside its earlier predecessor, to carry moor traffic.In the 18th century, Two Bridges was commonly known for its potato market. The site was no doubt chosen because it is in a central location, and easily accessible on what was then, and still is now, a serviceable road across Dartmoor. Some small quarries in the vicinity show that there was also quarrying industry in the area.


BLUE CARN GOTHVOS ST.MARY'S ISLES OF SCILLY.



TRYTHAL GOTHVOS

A Grankan, a grankan,
a mean ow gowaz o vean
ondez Parc an Venton
pub trelowza vean
Far Penzans a Maragow
Githack Mackrow
a mac trelowza varrack.
A poem recorded by listening to John Davey b.1812 St.Just. d.1891 Boswednack written down by J.Hobson Matthews and published in his History of St.Ives 1892.
Despite the insistence by some that first language or native Cornish Language died with Dolly Pentreath or William Bodener these events occurred a century earlier than John Davey's oration of his own poetry.
O Crankan! O Crankan!
On the rock thou hast but little
Further than the Well Field
That will grow three sprouts to each stone
The Penzance and Market Jew road
Is vastly more green and vastly more fresh
And will nourish three sprouts to each rider.
*

An evening on St.Agnes Beacon towards St.Ives.
An Gwlascarer - A.S.D. Smith
Ny allaf-vy kewsel Kernewek
Ny allaf y scryfa ha whath
Re gales yu tavas mar uthek
Predery anodho a-m-lath!
The Patriot by A S D Smith
I cannot speak Cornish
I cannot write it either
Such a terrible language is too hard
It kills me to think about it.

Looking towards St.Agnes from Carn Marth



Ludgvan Gothvos a longer interlude.



STONE AXE STUDIES, VOLUME III Edited by Vin Davis and Mark Edmonds
Oxbow Books,  2011, 444pp, many colour and black and white illustrations, tables, ISBN 978-1-84217-421-0, hb, £48

Stone Axe Studies Volume III (SAS III) has largely sprung from a symposium held in York in 2007 and is a welcome addition to a somewhat erratic series (no glacial pun intended; cf Clough & Cummins 1979; Clough & Cummins 1988), produced firstly under the auspices of the Implement Petrology Committee, but latterly by the Implement Petrology Group under the steer of the indefatigable Vin Davis who should be congratulated on such a beautifully produced and useful book.

The book is divided into thirteen sections each of two or three chapters, and curiously to this reviewer, most begin with an un-attributed word sketch or cameo that appears to be quite random in nature and a tad pretentious.  However, the quality of the papers and the presentation of the book more than makes up for this slight aberration.

The introduction by Vin Davis and Mark Edmonds sets the scene for the 27 chapters which present research focussed particularly upon stone axe blades (an approach which complements the original web-based symposium proceedings which have a wider remit).  SAS III focuses upon Europe primarily, but with brief forays into India, Australia, the Middle East and New Guinea, thus providing useful comparative material.  The scale of the research ranges from single artefact types such as the Nøstvet axe with its relatively restricted distribution in Scandinavia, to the big hitters such as the Alpine axeheads and their extensive Europe-wide dispersal.  There are also wide-ranging reviews from axe hafting systems recorded at certain lakeside settlements in the French Jura, to the issue of axe size in Orkney, as well as   an update on the Irish Stone Axe Project. 

The introduction rightly (in this reviewer’s opinion) outlines the overarching focus for the majority of the papers and this is  to take  stone axe research beyond typologies and lithologies and into the realm of contextualisation: what were the biographies of these tools and what did they mean to the communities who made and used them?  The identification of sources is clearly an important element in understanding the distribution patterns and trade/exchange networks – which in the case of the UK and Ireland was extensively explored in the first two SAS volumes.  The current volume seeks to take research beyond sourcing and typologies and explore the social context of these tools.  The book is packed with useful research so only a selection can be discussed in any detail in this review.

In western Norway, Bergsvik and Østmo discuss the presence of TRB axes which originated in southern Scandinavia and appear to have been distributed along the coast via the Oslo fjord.  The axes recovered from secure contexts were deposited in graves and settlement sites and were found in both unused and worn conditions.  This situation is paralleled with contemporary adzes.  It would seem that Neolithic acculturation struggled to gain influence in this region before the appearance of the TRB culture when these axes were introduced as special artefacts into the hunter/fisher lifeway, and became instrumental in refocusing communities inland and into the forested areas, as part of the technological package which introduced small-scale agriculture to the region.  However, importantly, most TRB axes had not been used and few were deposited at settlements; most seem to have been found buried at elevated locations.  Clearly here we can see the influence of the introduction of a new form of axe – alongside a suite of novel life-style concepts – which has led to profound social change in this part of Scandinavia.  Interestingly, during the preceding Late Mesolithic period, Nøstvet axeheads may have been associated with canoe construction in the environs of the Oslo fjord; therefore the infrastructure was probably in place to facilitate the distribution of the TRB axes along the coastline and river networks – one axe type creating the foundations for the distribution of another later type.

Pétrequin and co-authors provide another aspect of their continuing research on jadeitite sources  with an analysis of colour choices facing the users of Alpine axes.  Although the generalities of the story behind the eclogite and jadeitite axes will be familiar to many through the preliminary publications of the innovative and influential Programme Jade, this paper explores the largely separate distributions of the axes crafted from these differently coloured rocks.  The background to the 5th- 4th millennium BC exploitation of these rare raw materials in the Mont Viso and Mont Beigua massif has been rehearsed elsewhere, and the fact that these axes were circulated up to 1056 miles (1700 km) from their source.  However, the nuanced facts behind the familiar story make interesting reading.  The first utilitarian Alpine axeheads were largely non-jadeitite types, which were circulated to the north and west; jadeitite and omphacitite were reserved for small tranchet axes and stone rings.  By the mid-5th millennium BC jadeitite had become the dominant raw material and was used for 95% of all Alpine axes found between the Alps and the Gulf of Morbihan – although curiously northern Italy appears to have been excluded from this distribution.  The north-westerly circulation eventually progressed onto the Atlantic fringes of Europe.  This project has also discovered a duality in use/deposition patterns whereby certain jadeitite axes were purely functional but others were reserved for ritualised deposition at special places in the landscape or in tombs, especially in the Carnac region where axes prominently figure in local rock art.  It is interesting to speculate upon the role of the communities inhabiting the Gulf of Morbihan and their part in initiating, or certainly sponsoring, the increasing desire to possess exotic Alpine axes to the extent that local imitations in flint and other stones proliferated.

The Carnac region also produced evidence for a phase of secondary re-working of Alpine axes, which were found to have been re-polished in the Morbihan and then put back into the distribution network where they were transported in all directions, even back to the Alps, Italy and Croatia.  This secondary re-distribution may then have stimulated the shaping and  style of the large decorated stelae.  However, the secondary re-distribution of axes is comparatively light in these regions and almost non-existent in the Iberian peninsula.  As the authors suggest, the distribution pattern of the various types of axe, and their density, must reflect differing social contexts across Europe, but that some level of commonality existed surrounding the special nature of the Alpine axes which clearly underpinned important ritualised belief systems and social narratives.  Alongside the typo-chronological model presented by the authors, there is much here to ponder and stimulate new debate on the contexts of procurement, production, and the varied exchange, distribution and final deposition of these axeheads.  Overall, Programme Jade sets a new benchmark for the study of axes, and it is to be hoped that others might follow this lead.

Brumm discusses the symbolism which underpins the production and exchange of edge-ground axes in southeastern Australia – an axe type which has been used in this area for some 5000 years for woodworking and procuring wild resources such as honey and possums.  The raw material for these axes originated from both secondary sources and outcrops, and axes crafted from the latter sources were distributed more than 620 miles [1000km] from the outcrops, demonstrating the social value embedded in certain tools.   The mechanisms for such artefact movements are exemplified by the Mount William greenstone quarries where long-distance gift exchange was undertaken between interrelated groups – thus providing material evidence of social relations, kinship links and alliances.  At Mount William the local clans provided a hereditary custodian who lived at the quarries and controlled access and exchange via strict protocols; the custodians were also given safe passage through all clan lands – an interesting model perhaps for the movement of Alpine jadeitite axes? (but without year-round dwelling at the high altitude quarries!).  These Aboriginal custodians were responsible for maintaining the linkages between the creationary beliefs of the Dreaming and the stone sources.  In particular, many of these beliefs describe the importance of axe-wielding Ancestral Beings and their role both in sculpting the topography of the landscape and the perception within some communities that axes were integral to the maintenance of mythical props which held up the sky.

Such social contextualisation is often ignored in European prehistory as most hypotheses relating to extraction sites and their products focus upon economic drivers or technical analyses and not what axes might ‘mean’,.  How many authors still refer to ‘factories’, for instance, or other such loaded terminology?  The fact that ethnographic records describe the creation and use of many stone tools or other artefacts produced from exotic sources specifically to underpin social rather than economic networks, is a rallying call for more holistic analysis – as suggested by the editors in the introduction.

Ballin describes recent fieldwork at the surprisingly extensive felsite quarries of North Roe on Shetland.  Often overlooked previously, these quarries are now recognised as one of the UK’s largest extraction sites.  The felsite outcrops are located in the northwestern part of the archipelago and are at their most intensive at the Beorgs of Uyea.  This raw material was primarily exploited for the production of axeheads and the eponymous Shetland knives during the Early/Late Neolithic transition.  Interestingly, and like so many other quarries, only roughouts were produced on site in workshop areas.  A number of putative Neolithic houses and shelters intermingle with the quarries.  It is clear from this project that different types of felsite were chosen for specific artefacts (similarities here with jadeitite?), and this deliberate selection implies that varying cultural values were being placed on each source.  Curiously, despite this level of sophistication, it would appear that no felsite artefacts were transported off the islands, and conversely very few non-local examples entered the archipelago exchange network.  Such apparent material culture ‘protectionism’ clearly implies strict conventions or taboos in place which relate to the exploitation of raw materials and the production and exchange of implements on or into the Shetland Isles.  This study provides a neat counter-point to the well-rehearsed story of the equally extensive Langdale axe quarries and their widely distributed axeheads in north-west mainland Britain.  

In the Seine Valley, Giligny and co-researchers have studied the trade and exchange of axeheads in the region and have discovered that the earliest stages of manufacture occurred at workshop sites or at settlements close to the mines.  The roughouts were then transported up to 30+km from the sources.  In this region distribution patterns were influenced by the availability of raw material – tertiary flint is more prevalent south of the Seine a marked contrast with the north where secondary deposits dominate alongside a greater proportion of imported exotics such as Armorican dolerites.  Part of this distribution pattern is explained by the fewer flint mines to the north of the river, which presumably stimulated the reliance on secondary deposits.  Similar values may have been embedded in the imported Group B Armorican axes originating from Le Pinacle (Jersey) and Plussulien (Brittany) which form the largest components in the assemblages south of the Seine and those to the northwest framed by the Seine and Epte, and still comprise the second largest element in the northeastern assemblages.  Consequently, the Seine and its tributaries may have acted as a form of psychological barrier to the northerly movement of axes from flint mines located in the south.  Conversely, however, the river network was clearly being used to facilitate the long-distance movement of special types of axes such as the aforementioned Armorican examples, and those from the Italian Alps.  Interestingly, Seine Valley axes are also found in Armorica, implying some form of reciprocal exchange.  Clearly this project is throwing light on a complex distribution pattern which contrasts the movement of local with non-local axeheads.  Hopefully the next stages of this project will further elucidate the chronology of the flint mines and explore their relationships with the workshops and the settlements to add more detail to this interesting example of the social context of axe production and distribution in this part of France.

Davis and Edmonds provide a review of recent work on the Langdale Group VI axes from Cumbria and confirm that the quarries were exploited primarily for roughouts, but that there was some variability in production between individual quarries which might reflect social or technical constraints.  In southern Scandinavia Larsson describes the special uses of axes from their crafting (often at enclosures) to structured deposition in megalithic tombs, deposition in bogs or transformation by fire as a prelude to deposition.  At Mynydd Rhiw in North Wales, Burrow has demonstrated that the extraction of the tufaceous sediments occurred over a much larger area than previously recognised, some 7.75ha, but curiously there is little evidence currently for much product having been exported off-site.  At the opposite extreme of the Welsh spectrum, Williams and colleagues discuss the widely distributed Group VII axes from Graig Lwyd and the use/deposition patterns that have recently emerged at the nearby excavations at Parc Bryn Cegin, Llandygai, Gwynedd, and how this data is being used to enhance our understanding of the chronology of the quarry site.  This chronology suggests that Graig Lwyd was exploited for much of the Neolithic period and that its products were subjected to deliberate reduction or fragmentation sequences at certain points in time, particularly immediately before deposition, and that many of these deliberately modified or broken axes were then placed in pits as a final stage in their individual biographies.

Maigrot describes the analysis of Middle/Late Neolithic axe hafting systems discovered at the lakeside settlements in the French Jura.  Of interest here is the use of intermediate antler sleeves to hold the smaller axeheads securely in their wooden hafts.  Interestingly, these settlements had developed and increased in number at a climatic upturn, which coincidentally appears to have impacted upon deer populations thus reducing both the numbers of animals and the quality of the harvested antler.  Consequently, sleeve manufacture had to adapt and increased recycling of used antler sleeves over time is marked.

On Orkney, Clarke has studied axes both from recently excavated assemblages and newly accessible stray finds.  This has led to the recognition that the sizes of axe blades could be determined by use, and that those recovered at chambered tombs or from ‘special deposits’, were distinctly larger than those found on settlement sites.  In both general contexts the axes were often found on floors, which in the case of the tombs may have been a ritualised act, whereas at the settlements such locations may simply reflect accessible storage.  Curiously, the source of indigenous Orcadian axes remains unknown – perhaps an interesting future post-graduate project ?

Field presents a timely review of axe distribution from central southern England and has discovered through careful analysis (surprisingly no such research has yet taken place in Wessex) that the mouth of the River Avon is a key location to understanding the movement of axes in Wessex.  He also wisely points out that our knowledge of the development and obscuring of the early Wessex landscape may have led to river valleys being overlooked as important locations for early Neolithic activity.  Yet another interesting project idea ?

Pétrequin and Pétrequin provide a salutary lesson from New Guinea and present a series of interpretative models of axe production, use and what axeheads ‘mean’ to people based upon their 21 years of fieldwork.  The authors emphasise the dynamics of the social role of axes, and how they are perceived by their contemporary users as a material metonym which recreates and symbolises themselves.  They have found that technical products cannot always be divorced from ritual acts which create socially valorised tools that embody cultural imagery.  In New Guinea the axeheads are perceived as already existing within the bedrock of the ‘Axe Mountains’ – the manufacturers and ritual specialists simply free them from these sedimented bodies of the Primordial Beings, much like the ethnography of Aboriginal Australia (see above).  In New Guinea an extreme example of ritualised behaviour occurs at the Awigobi quarries where some polished axeheads are dressed in a miniature skirt with pendants which have been crafted from the fur of the tree kangaroo to transform the axe into a ‘woman of stone’.  Such unusual records are reminiscent of the tchamajillas of the Native American Puebloan communities which are symbolically fed milk and rocked like a baby (cf. Topping 2005, 89), and remind archaeologists of the interpretative difficulties in analysing the true contexts of apparently mundane, functional tools.  This paper provides much food for thought.

Overall, this is a useful and important book which should be read by everyone interested in early material culture and the production and use of axes and what they might have meant to their contemporary communities.


References

Clough, THMcK & Cummins, WA (eds) 1979.  Stone Axe Studies.  London: Council for British Archaeology Research Report 23.

Clough, THMcK & Cummins, WA (eds) 1988.  Stone Axe Studies: Volume 2.  London: Council for British Archaeology Research Report 67.

Topping, P 2005.  Shaft 27 Revisited: an Ethnography of Neolithic Flint Extraction.  In Topping, P and Lynott, M (eds) The Cultural Landscape of Prehistoric Mines.  Oxford: Oxbow Books.  63-93.

Pete Topping
English Heritage
January 2012


The views expressed in this review are not necessarily those of the Society or the Reviews Editor